Delhi Budget increased by 2.5 times in seven years: Kejriwal

Delhi Budget increased by 2.5 times in seven years: Kejriwal

“In 2015, when we presented the first Budget, it was Rs 31,000 crore. Now it’s Rs 78,000 crore. There has been a 2.5-fold increase in seven years. This is no less than a miracle,” he said.
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Thanking Deputy Chief Minister Manish Sisodia – who also holds the finance portfolio – for the Budget, he added, “We aim to create 20 lakh new jobs in the next five years. Just saying it takes courage. This was not an electoral promise, this was the Budget. And we have presented the framework to create jobs. This is an innovative and bold Budget.” The government will focus on eight sectors for job creation – retail, food and beverages, logistics, supply, travel and tourism, entertainment, real estate and green energy.

Addressing the issue of unification of the three municipal corporations in Delhi, Kejriwal said, “The MCD Bill has been brought to stop the elections. There are two main things in the Bill. One, the number of wards has been reduced from 272 to 250. What is the benefit? There is no logic. There is only one reason, there will be delimitation. Had the number been same, there would be no delimitation. If that happens, the elections will be pushed for 1-2 years. Second, the entire MCD will be run by the Centre, this is against the Constitution. Once the Bill comes, we will study it. If need be, we will challenge it in court.”
Kejriwal briefly outlined the government’s plan to redevelop five traditional markets, create a bazaar portal which will open up global markets to Delhi traders, setting up a garment hub in Gandhinagar, developing traditional food hubs and food trucks that will operate till 2 am, and redevelopment of non-conforming industrial areas.

The chief minister said the Budget not only takes into account job creation, but also takes care of increasing costs by providing free education, free health, free electricity, free water, and free travel for women. He also spoke about creating roads, sewer systems and water pipelines in unauthorised colonies as well as cleaning up the Yamuna.
When asked about his statement on the controversy surrounding the film The Kashmir Files, he said during the press conference, “In the last 20-25 years since the Kashmiri Pandit exodus, the BJP has been at the Centre for 13 years. In the last eight years, the BJP has been at the Centre. Has even one family been rehabilitated in Kashmir? No one. What the BJP has done is politicise the issue,” he said.

“And now after that, they want to earn crores by making a movie on their pain. Over Rs 200 crore has been earned. It is criminal to make money with a picture on the pain of any community. This is not right. The country will not tolerate it. We only have two demands: put this movie on YouTube so everyone can watch it; second, whatever has been earned should be used for the rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandits. And third, concrete steps should be taken so that Kashmiri Pandits can go back to their homes,” he asserted.

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24×7 power, 300 free units very soon, says Power Minister Harbhajan Singh

24×7 power, 300 free units very soon, says Power Minister Harbhajan Singh

Punjab Power Minister Harbhajan Singh Thursday said the Aam Adami Party government will soon issue an order on the promised 300 units of free electricity. In Amritsar to pay obeisance at Harmandir Sahib after becoming minister, Harbhajan said, “We will provide 24-hour power supply. The promise of 300 free units will also become reality very soon. AAP is not like other parties that start work on their promises in the last three months of government. It was one of the guarantees given by us, and we will keep it.”
Earlier, he met officials from the district and stressed that the government will not tolerate corruption in any office. He said, “The Chief Minister has formally started eradicating this disease (corruption) by launching a helpline.”
Harbhajan Singh told officers, “I have served in the government department so I am well aware of your needs and problems. I will not put any pressure on you and you will have the freedom to act according to the law.” He said that the manner in which AAP has been voted in, it has raised the expectations of the people, which cannot be fulfilled without the cooperation of government officials and employees.
“We should take care to ensure that there was no inconvenience to the people in government offices. Do not let any work in the office linger for a long time,” the minister said.

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Explained: The new refugees from Sri Lanka, driven by hunger, not war

Explained: The new refugees from Sri Lanka, driven by hunger, not war

For decades, groups of Sri Lankan Tamils have come to Tamil Nadu, fleeing war and hostilities on the island. The 16 Sri Lankan Tamils who arrived on the Rameswaram coast in two batches on March 22 were, however, different.
They were economic refugees, trying to escape a dire situation in Sri Lanka, which is reeling under a severe economic crisis.
Indian intelligence agencies believe that as unemployment and skyrocketing inflation drive more and more people to desperation in the coming days and weeks, the numbers of these refugees are likely to only increase.
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Tamil Nadu, a natural destination
Barely 30 km away across the shallow Palk Strait, India has long appeared within reach, especially to Tamils in Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka. Ethnic affinity has made Tamil Nadu inviting, either as asylum or as a point of transit to the West, mostly Europe — where a large and influential Tamil diaspora has gathered over the decades of war and political turbulence in Sri Lanka.
People and political parties in Tamil Nadu have been traditionally welcoming of Sri Lankan refugees with similar ethnic and cultural roots. In the 1970s and 80s, India trained and armed the Tamil rebels, and the sea crossing presented no major threat to the illegal immigrants from Sri Lanka. This situation changed radically after Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated by the LTTE in 1991.

History of Sri Lankan refugees
While Tamil-origin refugees from Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka had been arriving in India from long before the 1980s, their flow increased significantly after 1983, when ethnic clashes began on the island between the majority Sinhala Buddhist ruling class and the Indian-armed Tamil Tigers.
Those who arrived before 1983 were mainly Indian-origin Tamils whose forefathers had migrated to Sri Lanka to work in the tea plantations. Their arrival was facilitated by an agreement between Prime Ministers Lal Bahadur Shastri and Sirimavo Bandaranaike to allow 9,75,000 people of Indian origin in Sri Lanka to become citizens of the country of their choice.
Many of the 4.6 lakh repatriations from Sri Lanka before 1982 travelled to Europe; others married Indians in an effort to resolve their crises of identity.

From 1983, the Sri Lankan Tamils arrived in multiple waves. The first of these was between July 1983 and 1987, when 1.34 lakh Sri Lankan Tamils reached India, pushed by anti-Tamil riots in Sri Lanka after an LTTE ambush killed 13 Sri Lankan soldiers, and pulled by the India-Sri Lanka Accord. In the two years from 1987, however, some 25,600 refugees returned to Sri Lanka, according to official records.
The second wave of arrivals began after the war flared up in June 1990, and about 1,22,000 Tamils fled the island. Between 1991 and 1995, some 54,000 refugees were repatriated to Sri Lanka; this was also the period in which Sri Lankan Tamils faced pressures in Tamil Nadu after the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi.
The third wave of arrivals began in 1995 and continued until 2002, a period that witnessed intense fighting in Northern Sri Lanka. The exodus turned into a flood in 2008-09, the final years of the war. Refugees continued to arrive until 2013.

Tamil refugee numbers
As per latest records, about 19,000 Sri Lankan families — or 58,822 individuals, including about 10,000 children below the age of 8 — live in 108 refugee camps set up for Sri Lankan Tamils in Tamil Nadu. Another 34,087 individuals with refugee certificates live outside the camps.

There are also individuals who have overstayed in India, those who are in transit to Europe, former Tamil militants who have been sheltered in special camps, and refugees who have been caught by Indian agencies while attempting an illegal sea passage from Indian waters to Europe or Australia.
Their life in Tamil Nadu
Many Tamil nationalists in Sri Lanka consider the DMK as a betrayer of Tamils because it was part of the UPA regime that aided the brutal last phase of the war in which the Sri Lankan army killed thousands of civilians. Ordinary people fleeing the island however, are more favourably disposed towards the M K Stalin government, which has taken several “pro-refugee” steps over the past year.
Despite continuous discussions on the Sri Lankan Tamil issue in Tamil Nadu politics for decades, not much was done to improve the quality of life in the refugee camps. Most camps are ramshackle open prisons with families crammed into one or two rooms that they received in the 1980s or 1990s. Many refugees who work in hotels or other sectors, or as daily wage labourers, are watched by the Q-branch, the state intelligence and investigative unit tracking terrorists and other radicalised individuals.
The refugees have benefitted from the general social welfare schemes in the state, be it the free rice or periodic festival incentives and “kits”. The head of each refugee family gets a monthly allowance of at least Rs 1,000, and monthly assistance for spouses and children below age 12. The DMK government announced a scheme to build 3,510 houses for Sri Lankan refugees, renovate 7,469, and provide financial assistance to refugee students for higher education.

New economic refugees
The collapse of tourism following the Easter attacks of 2019 and the Covid-19 pandemic has wrecked the Sri Lankan economy. The country is heavily import-dependent, and with foreign exchange reserves crashing, there have been acute shortages of food items, fuel, and other essentials. Staples like rice and milk have become unaffordable for large numbers of people.
Local people in Mannar and Jaffna, the Tamil populated areas in the north, say many are ready to travel to India. “They are waiting for conducive factors such as the availability of boats and the position of the Sri Lankan navy and the Indian Coast Guard…,” a source in Mannar said. Several sources said people are keenly following the news from Tamil Nadu about the way those who have reached India are being treated.
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Entrance test for central universities: how, why

Entrance test for central universities: how, why

On Monday, the University Grants Commission (UGC) announced the introduction of the Central University Entrance Test (CUET), which is now mandatory for undergraduate admission at any of the 45 central universities in the country.
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Why a common entrance test?
Several governments, over the years, have made attempts to replace multiple entrance tests with a single one to reduce the burden on higher education aspirants. In fact, even CUET is not new. It had been launched as the Central Universities Common Entrance Test (CUCET) in 2010 under the UPA-II government, but had failed to gather steam since only 14 central universities had adopted it until last year.
CUET is a revamped version of CUCET and it’s now compulsory for all 45 central universities to adopt it. This has come after the announcement of the new National Education Policy (NEP), which advocates the need for an entrance test for university admissions.

What does this mean for undergraduate admissions at a reputable central university such as, say, Delhi University?
As far as Delhi University is concerned, sky-high cut-off marks will now be history. A student’s Board marks will have no role in determining her admission to a college or a programme. It will be based only on her CUET score. At best, colleges affiliated to Delhi University — or any central university for that matter — can use Board marks as the minimum eligibility criteria for admission.
For skill-based courses that have major practical components, such as music, painting, sculpture and theatre, universities will be allowed to conduct practical exams or interviews along with CUET. For professional programmes such as engineering and MBBS, central universities will admit through the entrance exams JEE (Main) and NEET respectively.
Why did the government decide against giving weightage to students’ performance in Class 12 Board exams?
The government did not favour using Board marks for admission because of the “diversity” in evaluation methods adopted by different Boards. “Some Boards are more generous than others in marking and this gives their students an unfair advantage over others,” said a government official who spoke on anonymity.

So, who will conduct CUET and when?
The National Testing Agency (NTA), which conducts entrance tests such as JEE (Main) and UGC-NET, will also conduct CUET for all central universities in the first week of July. It is a computer-based test that will be held in two shifts and can be taken in 13 languages — Hindi, Marathi, Gujarati, Tamil, Telegu, Kannada, Malayalam, Urdu, Assamese, Bengali, Punjabi, Odia and English. However, it’s not clear whether CUET will be conducted on a single day or multiple days.
The application window for the examination will open in the first week of April. But unlike JEE (Main), there will be no common counselling for admission to central universities based on the CUET score. Each university is free to define its admission process based on the merit list prepared by the NTA. However, UGC chairman M Jagadesh Kumar did not rule out joint counselling in future.
What will CUET test a candidate on?
The UGC chairman said that the three-and-a-half-hour computer-based entrance test will only have multiple choice questions based on the content of NCERT textbooks. CUET will essentially have three parts.
The first part will test a candidate on a language of her choice. This will consist reading comprehension, questions on vocabulary, synonyms and antonyms, besides other things. There will be a choice of 13 languages. Apart from compulsorily appearing for one language test (out of 13 languages), a candidate will also have the option of taking another test in an additional language from a basket of 19 — French, Spanish, German, Nepali, Persian, Italian, Arabic, Sindhi, Kashmiri, Konkani, Bodo, Dogri, Maithili, Manipuri, Santhali, Tibetan, Japanese, Russian and Chinese.
The second part of CUET is focused on testing a candidate’s domain-specific knowledge. This section offers a total of 27 domains, and a candidate can choose to have her knowledge tested in at least one and a maximum of six domains. Each central university will specify which domain-specific test a candidate has to take for which programme.

The 27 domains on offer in the second part of CUET are Accountancy/ Book Keeping, Biology/ Biological Studies/ Biotechnology, Business Studies, Chemistry, Computer Science/ Informatics Practices, Economics/ Business Economics, Engineering Graphics, Entrepreneurship, Geography, History, Home Science, Knowledge Tradition–Practices India, Legal Studies, Commercial Arts, Mathematics, Physical Education/ NCC, Physics, Political Science, Psychology, Sociology, Teaching Aptitude, Agriculture, Mass Media/ Mass Communication, Anthropology, Fine Arts/ Visual Arts (Sculpture/ Painting), Performing Arts and Sanskrit.
The third part of the entrance test will be a general test with questions on general knowledge, current affairs, general mental ability, numerical ability, quantitative reasoning (simple, application of basic mathematical concepts arithmetic/algebra geometry/mensuration/stat taught till class 8), logical and analytical reasoning. A candidate will appear for the general test only if it’s desired by the programme and university of choice.
Apart from the compulsory language test, a candidate’s participation in the domain-specific part of CUET and the general test will depend on whether a central university wants it for the programme she is applying for. For instance, a university may ask a student to only appear for the language and general tests for admission to a programme. For another programme, it may ask for the candidate’s score in the compulsory language test and a domain-specific test. The aspirant will have to first check a programme’s requirements and appear for a combination of domain-specific tests, language test and general test (if required), accordingly.
Why is CUET only limited to central universities?
At this moment, CUET is compulsory for central universities but the government is open to other institutions, including private universities, adopting this examination instead of conducting their own.
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What about postgraduate admissions in central universities?
Unlike undergraduate studies, conducting admissions to postgraduate programmes through CUET is not compulsory for central universities. Therefore, they are free to adopt CUET for PG admissions or stick to their own admission process for now.

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How Cryptocurrencies could impact geopolitics and change the nature of money

How Cryptocurrencies could impact geopolitics and change the nature of money

After raising more than $63 million from digital currency donations, Ukraine has now legalised its crypto sector, allowing exchanges to operate freely and mandating banks to open accounts for crypto companies. This move further legitimises the rise of digital or virtual currencies and raises pertinent questions surrounding their role in geopolitics.
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Already, some tech companies have the power, resources and influence to rival nation states and as digital currencies become more pervasive, they could test the resolve of a world order based around geography. In an article for Foreign Affairs, Parag Khanna, the founder of FutureMap, describes why technology is beginning to redefine traditional geopolitics. He writes, “Network proximity is now on par with physical geography, and basic geopolitical assumptions about citizenship, migration, power projection, and the use of force need to be rethought for the digital world.”
However, before looking at how cryptocurrencies and geopolitics intersect, we first need to understand what cryptocurrencies are, and what a future dominated by them could look like.
What is a cryptocurrency?
According to Tim Massad, a former chairman of the US Commodity Futures Trading Commission, a cryptocurrency is defined by three key elements. First, that it is a digital representation of value, second, that it can be transferred electronically and third, it is recorded in a digital ledger that is widely accessible. There are two primary types of digital currency, one issued by the state, and the other, by a private entity.

Sovereign digital currencies, like China’s Digital Yuan, are government issued. Also known as Central Bank Digital Currencies (CBDCs), they, like fiat currencies, are validated by the central bank of the issuing country.
According to Aaryaman Vir, a crypto entrepreneur who spoke with indianexpress.com, CBDCs have “very little to do with crypto, with the crypto element in question contingent on how Central Banks issue the currency and keep track of it.” For Vir, being decentralised is a core element of ‘real’ cryptocurrencies (essentially public sector variants) and without that design principle, CBDCs are very similar to existing currencies, they just operate on newer technology.
In contrast, private-sector digital currencies generally rely on decentralised blockchain technology to settle accounts between users. Those currencies include Bitcoin and Ether, which fluctuate in value relative to the US dollar, and also a subset of cryptocurrencies called stablecoins, like Facebook’s Diem, which are pegged to a fiat currency and designed to remain relatively stable.
So, what are the advantages of adopting cryptocurrencies?
For consumers, transferring money becomes a lot cheaper and in certain instances, safer as well. Transaction costs of cryptocurrencies are much lower than fees levied by most banks. Additionally, transaction values cannot be replicated. For example, if you were to buy a concert ticket from ticketmaster.com, the issuer would send you a pdf of that ticket. I could then potentially sell that pdf to multiple people, with no one realising that they have been scammed until the second person arrives at the door of the event. With cryptocurrencies, I couldn’t do that. Once you have sent the value to one person, you can’t send it to anyone else.
For governments, CBDCs could be useful if they can exploit first-mover advantage. China for example is miles ahead of its counterparts in the development of a sovereign digital currency and is on its way to set up exchanges with other countries. Similarly, countries can take advantage of cryptocurrencies by introducing favourable regulations (like Portugal) that would incentivise capital landing.

Cryptocurrencies also have the potential to transform the entire financial system. According to Balaji Srinivasan, the founder of Coinbase, Central bankers have largely quashed price discovery making it very difficult to get a sense of the health of individual companies or the real economy as a whole from asset prices. However, with digital wallets, you could potentially hold every asset on your computer, from cryptocurrencies to CBDCs to fiat currencies, every stock, and even, a minute of your time or a gigabyte on your hard drive.
In practice, if everyone adopted digital currencies, we would create a decentralised finance matrix (defi matrix) where every asset competes against every other asset. Srinivasan argues that such a matrix would represent extreme capitalism, removing geographic advantages from global markets and ensuring complete price discovery. Khanna writes that this change is ushering in a new era of global monetary competition, “where national currencies must earn their place in someone’s wallet portfolio every hour of every day, even among citizens of their own countries.”
Ending American financial hegemony
The US Dollar is the dominant reserve currency and is the benchmark through which global trade is conducted. As a result of this dominance, according to Vir, the US can manipulate its currency at will, often resulting in ramifications for the whole world. Citing one example, Vir notes that when the US left the Iran nuclear deal, many European countries wanted to continue doing business with Tehran. In response, the US threatened to exclude any companies in violation of US sanctions from the SWIFT banking system, which was established in the 1950s and is controlled by a select few large banks.
Washington would cease to hold that influence over companies and states if the dollar was replaced by digital currencies.

Many are in favour of such a drastic shift. Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg have both argued that digital currencies are better suited for a more multipolar world as they are free from the control of any individual nation. However, currently, the two biggest competing powers namely, America and China, are not trying to democratise the monetary system but instead, cement their own influence over it.
China, for its part, stands to gain from the decline of the Dollar, but is banking on the Dollar being replaced by the Yuan or Digital Yuan. According to a report from Carnegie India, “In order to challenge the dollar’s hegemony and internationalise its currency, China will have to move away not just from the Dollar but also from the payment rails dominated by the Dollar. The best way to simultaneously do both would be to introduce a new payment rail like CBDC.”
China’s race for digital dominance is in line with Beijing’s ambitious foreign policy under President Xi Jinping. According to Massad, many think of his One Belt One Road (OBOR) project in terms of physical infrastructure, it’s actually more about building networks, broadband and other types of digital infrastructure to create the foundation upon which a future payment system would function internationally. The Digital Yuan is being used by over 220 million users in China and the Chinese Central Bank has already explored a digital currency cross-border payment project with Thailand, the UAE and Hong Kong.
However, according to Justin Muzinich, a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, “as real as this danger is, the United States should not panic.” As the use of SWIFT declines, the dollar’s role in the global market will be eroded as well. However, a Digital Yuan in and of itself would not account for foreign investors’ lack of trust in China’s markets, especially given the volatility of its government. Additionally, as the US is engaged in discussions aimed at setting standards for the underlying technology, it would presumably have a role in shaping that technology as well. In short, we are nowhere close to entering a post-dollar world, let alone a world dependent on Beijing.

Developing nations
Aside from the US and China, who are both competing for international supremacy, no other country wants the Dollar or Yuan to be the global reserve currency. According to Vir, “cryptocurrencies make sense for anyone who doesn’t want to be a global hegemon because they are by definition neutral and not controlled by any single nation”.
Around 75 per cent of the world’s population, more than 60 per cent of global GDP, and around 50 per cent of all billionaires are neither American nor Chinese. While Beijing and Washington may compete, according to Khanna, “rather than being forced to take sides in a new Cold War,” countries can instead form an “Aligned Movement” in which they rally around a decentralised currency to facilitate cross border trade. This would result in a “decentralised race to the top as countries, cities, companies and communities – physical and virtual – compete to attract talent and capital.”
While larger countries India, South Korea and the US have approached cryptocurrencies with waves of regulations, smaller countries are looking to fill the void left behind. For them, cryptocurrency would not facilitate geopolitical influence, but could induce capital inflow and transform their economies into international crypto tax havens. More importantly, for several Latin American countries, a digital currency would free them from the clutches of the US and international institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
El Salvador, for instance, recently adopted Bitcoin as legal tender. For close to a century, the US has intervened in South America to prop up authoritarian regimes (think to countless examples during the Cold War) and exploit natural resources (giving birth to the term banana republics). More recently, the CIA has allegedly participated in two coups, in 2014 in Brazil and in 2019 in Bolivia.

Washington responded to El Salvador’s move with dismay, a sentiment echoed by the IMF, an institution for its own part, that has also come under much criticism for its interventionist policies. In 2019, when Ecuador was in a severe economic slowdown, the IMF stepped in to loan it $4.2 billion. However, in exchange, Ecuador was forced to adopt huge spending cuts, which even the IMF acknowledged would increase unemployment and poverty.
Given that the total capital on defi systems today amounts to approximately $60 billion, it is conceivable to imagine a world in which countries were no longer dependent on US aid or IMF loans, but instead directly borrowed money from the rest of the world, without having to jump through hoops for the same.
Similarly, for a country like India, Srinivasan argues that adopting digital currencies is of paramount importance. He states that “a network that cannot be shut down by any state is a network that India and its diaspora can rely on in times of conflict.” Pointing to the fact that millions of Indians are dependent on American apps like WhatsApp, PayPal and Google, Srinivasan expresses concern over the disproportionate influence that Washington has over India.
In a worst-case situation, Srinivasan warns that “given sufficient negative press, American technology companies may ban the Indian Prime Minster or Indian citizens not just from entering the US, but from much of the internet itself.” While such an example may seem extreme, the logical extension of non-alignment diplomatically would be non-alignment culturally and economically as well. Crypto could be a means of achieving that.
Concerns
While embracing cryptocurrency might have its benefits, if structures are poorly designed, it could also result in the adverse destabilisation of financial systems. For one, it could weaken governments’ ability to set monetary policy. According to Muzinich, “a cryptocurrency like Bitcoin could conceivably become a common enough medium of exchange” that coin holders, rather than central bankers, could end up deciding to increase or decrease the amount of digital currency in circulation. Speaking about America in particular, Muzinich argues that the widespread adoption of cryptocurrency could not only take important monetary decisions out of the control of the US government, but also allow foreign powers to accrue influence over the US money supply by, for example, buying large quantities of stable coins.

Additionally, cryptocurrencies pose significant security risks. In an article titled Are Terrorists Using Cryptocurrencies, a collection of authors posit that the lack of regulation surrounding cryptocurrency exchanges, could benefit terrorist finance methods by allowing radicalised individuals to send money to groups like the Al Qaeda or ISIS. On a smaller scale, drug traffickers, ransomware attackers and money launderers can all make use of blockchain technology to operate outside of the legal framework.
Then there’s the question of sanction evasion. If the global financial system is overturned, countries like China could conduct trade with the likes of North Korea or Russia outside of the shackles of Western sanctions. Nations like Iran could also take advantage of cryptocurrencies, with approximately 4.5 per cent of bitcoin mining already taking place in Iran. According to blockchain analytics firm Elliptic, at its current level of mining, Iran’s bitcoin production would amount to revenues close to $1 billion a year. The US currently imposes an almost total economic embargo on Iran so bitcoin revenues play an important role in buying imports and lessening the impact of sanctions for Tehran.

As discussed previously, cryptocurrency can also have the reverse effect. Due to the ease and speed of transaction it allows, crypto has empowered relief efforts in Ukraine. The country accepts millions of dollars in donations via digital currencies and many Ukrainians have been drawn to cryptocurrency as a place to invest their money as there is no strong stock market alternative.
Like all technology, cryptocurrency exchanges are neither inherently good nor bad. Whether they are used to transform the current economic order for the better or worse will depend on how systems are designed, regulated, and adopted. However, one thing is certain. Individuals, companies and governments who move quickly will be the ones to benefit most and will perhaps have the biggest role in shaping this new digital reality.

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