How trade can boost India’s growth

How trade can boost India’s growth

India’s exports surpassing the pre-pandemic level of $331 billion in FY 2018-19 and reaching $418 billion in FY 2021-22 is certainly an achievement. Total exports, including the services exports of around $240 billion, amount to more than $650 billion. The revival of exports has provided relief at a time when major components of aggregate demand such as consumption and investment had been slowing down. Total merchandise trade, including imports of $610 billion, amounts to $1.28 trillion for FY 2021-22. These milestones on the trade front are a sign of a rising India, which would certainly accelerate the growth and the increasing imports are a good sign given the high import intensity of India’s exports. If we sustain the momentum and capitalise on our exports’ potential, we will meet the targets of $1 trillion in merchandise exports by 2027-28 and $1 trillion in services exports by 2030, which will help achieve the $-5 trillion economy goal sooner.
The trade achievements are a sign of growing confidence in the Indian economy. The proactive policy schemes by the government — such as merchandise exports scheme, duty exemption scheme, export promotion capital goods, transport and marketing assistance scheme — have helped the export sector. Schemes like the gold card scheme and interest equalisation scheme by RBI and the market access initiative by the export promotion councils are also useful.
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Though achievements in trade are laudable, India still has much potential. For example, the annual growth rate of India’s exports between 2011 to 2020 is a little over 1 per cent compared to 3 per cent and 4.2 per cent, respectively, for China and Bangladesh. If we go by India’s Trade Portal estimates, we find a huge difference in India’s exports potential and actual exports in many sectors, especially pharmaceuticals, gems and jewellery and chemicals. Therefore, it is time to address sector-specific and market-specific problems so that we fully capitalise on exports across sectors. For example, India’s potential in diamond and jewellery exports is close to $58 billion but actual exports are at $30 billion.Best of Express PremiumUPSC Key – May 31, 2022: Why and What to know about ‘Kareem’s’ to Jaganna...PremiumIn Rajya Sabha list, BJP sticks to OBC-Dalit winning formulaPremiumSiddaramaiah interview: ‘If polls held for local bodies without OBC...PremiumNewsmaker | Iqbal Singh Chahal: Lauded for Mumbai’s Covid fightback...Premium
To achieve the export target, India has to aggressively increase its participation in global value chains (GVCs). India’s best endowment for the next couple of decades is its working-age population and its strength is in labour-intensive manufacturing. However, the space vacated by manufacturing giants such as Japan, Korea, Malaysia and China has been captured by Vietnam, Bangladesh, Mexico and Thailand. Many of these manufacturing giants are moving away from the labour-intensive assembly of network products, which offers India an opportunity. As the Economic Survey (2019-20) suggests, “assemble in India”, particularly in network products, will increase India’s share in world exports to 6 per cent and create 80 million jobs. It is time to find out and research why MNCs are (re)locating to countries like Vietnam, Bangladesh and Mexico when India offers a big market and cheap manpower. We are yet to capitalise on “China+1 strategy”.
India also needs to work on institutions facilitating trade, processes for exports and imports and logistics that not only reduce trade and transaction costs but also ensure reliability and timely delivery, which is important to becoming part of GVCs. India’s rank in the logistics performance index is 44 while China’s rank is 26 and South Korea’s 25. The unit cost of a container of exports is significantly higher for India compared to China, South Korea and others, thereby reducing the price competitiveness of India’s exports.

Recently, the Niti Aayog, in partnership with the Institute of Competitiveness, prepared the Export Preparedness Index (EPI) 2021 for Indian states. There are wide variations in the EPI index, which is based on trade policy, business ecosystem, export ecosystem and performance. It’s time to focus on the first three of these input pillars in states whose scores are below the national average. State-level reforms in reducing red tape and complex laws including taxation will go a long way. One way to reduce the complexities of trade and business is by signing free trade agreements. These not only reduce tariffs and give market access but bring down non-tariff barriers such as administrative fees, labelling requirements, anti-dumping duties and countervailing measures. It’s a good sign that Delhi recently concluded FTAs with the UAE, and Australia and is negotiating with the UK, GCC and Canada. Though FTAs may not necessarily help the trade balance immediately, they help in streamlining policies.
Along with the merchandise exports, India should focus on services exports. As per the Ministry of Commerce (MoC), services exports are expected to reach the target of $1 trillion before the deadline of 2030. India has done well in IT and IES exports and it can accelerate services exports in other categories including travel and tourism and business, commercial and financial services. However, the services sector needs government support.
The acceleration of merchandise and services exports could potentially make the Indian economy a $5-trillion economy sooner provided we are proactive in policies to capitalise on our exports potential, explore new markets and curb protectionism. There are also opportunities arising out of geo-political conflicts and the intention of the world to diversify its supply chain portfolio. India should capitalise on the “China+1” strategy. However, we must avoid protectionism and inverted duty structures which may give temporary relief to domestic industries but will affect India’s overall competitiveness.
(Sahoo is professor, and Mujtaba is research analyst, at the Institute of Economic Growth (IEG), Delhi)

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A Teacher in China Learns the Limits of Free Expression

A Teacher in China Learns the Limits of Free Expression

John told me that he was mortified to learn that the attack had been connected to his essay. He claimed that in the fall of 2019 he had heard only that I had been reported. John didn’t post on Weibo, and he hadn’t seen the original attack. “I’m sorry,” he said. He had no idea how the editing comments had become public.Over the years, I had talked about the incident with a few politically savvy students and professors. One teacher who knew John had told me that the boy didn’t seem like a Little Pink. The teacher and others imagined the same scenario: that some other student had seen the essay, or heard details from it, and then written the attack. When I spoke with John, he said that he had mentioned some of the editing comments to his roommates, and that he had also taken the paper to the institute’s writing center, where other students and tutors may have seen it. From looking at John’s face, and from his over-all reaction, I believed that he was telling the truth.“Actually, after you gave the comments on the paper, I was a little upset,” he said. “I totally agree with you about the comments, if we don’t consider the politics. But I had to consider the politics, because I am under a certain circumstance in China. Your comments were against the traditional politics.”I asked if he would have the same reaction now.“Yes,” he said. “It’s not that the comments are wrong. It’s just the feelings.”For many students, the experience of the pandemic seemed to confirm a general idea that the benefits of the Chinese system greatly outweigh its flaws. In assignments, a number of them wrote angrily about the government’s initial coverup and missteps. But they recognized that China was the only large country in the world that, after early mistakes, had been able to dramatically change course and keep fatalities to a minimum. They were realists, but I wouldn’t describe them as cynical. In the course of several semesters, I asked more than a hundred students if they expected their generation to have a better life than their parents’ generation had, and eighty-three per cent said that they did.“Can I get an email address too Just for when youre hiding in the cave.”The Little Pink phenomenon, which seems to be amplified by social media, was not something I observed in the classroom. In my experience, the Chinese students of twenty-five years ago were much more nationalistic, and much less aware, than the students of today. Li Chunling, one of China’s most prominent sociologists, has carried out many large-scale surveys of young Chinese. In her book “China’s Youth,” she describes a pattern of less interest in joining the Party, in addition to a tendency for high income and higher education to correlate with reduced national identification. But Li emphasizes that this is not a sign of dissidence. “They see Western democratic institutions as better than China’s current systems,” she writes. “But they see little value in immediately instituting a Western-style democratic order, because China’s current situation seems to demand the institutions that it has.”Li also writes that, with regard to highly educated young Chinese, “simple propaganda-style education will not be effective.” Over the course of four semesters, I couldn’t remember any student bringing up Xi Jinping in class. I recently reviewed more than five hundred student papers and found the President mentioned only twenty-two times, usually in passing. Undoubtedly, fear played a role. But there also seemed to be a genuine lack of connection to the leader. I often gave an assignment that I had previously given in Fuling, asking freshmen to write about a public figure, living or dead, Chinese or foreign, whom they admired. In the old days, Mao had been the most popular choice, but my Sichuan University students were much more likely to write about scientists or entrepreneurs. Out of sixty-five students, only one selected Xi Jinping, which left the President tied with Eminem, Jim Morrison, and George Washington. The student who chose Washington wrote, “The reason why I admire him most is that he gave up his political power voluntarily.”In early April, 2021, my teaching contract wasn’t renewed. Dean Chyu had been in the United States since the start of the pandemic, and he e-mailed me with the news. First, he said that SCUPI had other candidates, but, when I checked with my department, I was told that there wasn’t any recruitment taking place—because of the pandemic, it was extremely difficult to get foreign teachers into China. After I wrote to the dean again, he added a different reason, citing a Chinese rule that supposedly prevented the university from extending a short-term contract like mine. I offered to sign a long-term contract, but he declined, without explanation. Recently, I wrote to Chyu, and he responded in an e-mail that he was too busy to do an interview. (When contacted by a fact checker, Chyu claimed that I never expressed interest in signing a long-term contract, and he said that he had made plans to replace me before the pandemic began.)During the pandemic, there had been periodic social-media attacks about my writing, by Little Pinks and others. Two professors at Sichuan University told me that mid-level administrators had had to file reports about these incidents, which supposedly was one of the reasons my job ended. (Chyu and a former university official claim that they were not aware of any such reports.) The professors also told me that nobody at the top had issued a direct command to not renew my contract, because the system created enough nervousness that people were likely to err on the side of caution. “Tianwei bukece,” one professor explained, using a phrase that means the highest authority remains unclear. “You have to guess what the exact order is.”Near the end of June, less than a week before my wife and daughters were flying out of China, a deputy director of the university’s foreign-affairs office requested a meeting. The official told me that the university would have been happy if I had stayed, and that I was welcome to apply for a position with a different college. He said that the refusal to renew my job had been made by Dean Chyu alone. “He did not know the whole situation here,” the official told me. (Later, when contacted by a fact checker, the official denied saying this.) It impressed me as another way in which the system functioned effectively: in the hybrid arrangement, the decision to get rid of the American teacher could be blamed on the American institution.When my final class of freshmen read “Animal Farm,” I asked them to reimagine the story at Sichuan University. In one boy’s version, a mob of students take over the campus and penetrate the administration’s central computer room, hoping to change grades, only to realize that the security cameras are still operating. Another boy, named Carl, described a revolt in which students successfully expel professors and staff. Afterward, all students are equal, but some become more equal than others:Without teachers, the undisciplined people give up studying completely, while the self-disciplined people work harder every day, especially the people from the West China College of Stomatology. Although they said there was no discrimination, the students at Pittsburgh Institute were about 15 points worse than those of other colleges of Sichuan University in the college entrance examination.Carl’s story ends with the stomatologists embarking on successful careers while other students fail to get jobs, thus destroying the university’s reputation.When teaching Orwell, I often thought about why such books aren’t considered a threat to the Party. In the novels of the Dystopian Trilogy, futuristic societies distract and control individuals by various methods: the continuous war and rewritten history of “1984,” the sex and soma drugs of “Brave New World,” the surgical removal of human imagination in “We.” But none of these books anticipates how useful competition can be in sustaining a long-term authoritarian state. In China, nationalistic propaganda might be effective for children and other people at a lower level, but there’s a tacit understanding that it won’t work as well for the highly educated. As long as these individuals have opportunities to advance and improve their lives, they are less likely to oppose authority. And the system doesn’t need to be hermetically sealed in the manner of “1984.” The vast majority of Chinese students who go abroad choose to return—for them, it’s as simple as yinyefeishi. If they were truly afraid of choking, they would remain in the United States.And there’s a point at which competition becomes a highly effective distraction. For most of my students, the greatest worry didn’t seem to be classroom security cameras or other instruments of state control—it was the thought of all those talented young people around them. In October of 2019, when China celebrated the seventieth anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic, I asked students what the holiday meant to them. One freshman wrote:Holiday means others went out to play and I am studying, which is the time that I have the highest relative efficiency. I could learn more than others and I will get a higher GPA. Holiday is the best time that I can go surpass my classmates in study.At Sichuan University, there is one independent and liberal student-run publication. Changshi, or Common Sense, was founded in 2010, and the name is partly in homage to Thomas Paine’s pamphlet. Somehow, Common Sense has survived the current political climate, although it no longer publishes on paper, uses no bylines, and has no list of staff writers. During my final semester, the most prominent stories were an investigation into the sudden death of a student on campus and a feature about an undergraduate who was trying to sue the university because of low-quality cafeteria food. A number of journalists from the magazine had taken my nonfiction class.The week before I left the university, I met off campus with the publication’s staff. There were about twenty students, almost all of them female. That was another aspect of university life that wasn’t quite Orwellian. From “1984”: “It was always the women, and above all the young ones, who were the most bigoted adherents of the Party, the swallowers of slogans, the amateur spies and nosers-out of unorthodoxy.” In my experience, female students seemed less nationalistic than the men, and I suspected they were less likely to jubao a professor.During our meeting, the Common Sense staff asked what I thought about young people today. I mentioned the intense competition, and I said that I had been impressed with my students’ understanding and analysis of the system around them. “But I don’t know what this means for the future,” I said. “Maybe it means that they figure out how to change the system. But maybe they just figure out how to adapt to the system. What do you think?”“We will adapt,” somebody said, and several others nodded.“It’s easy to get angry, but easy to forget,” another woman remarked.A third woman, one of the smallest in the group, said, “We will change it.” ♦ .

Eileen Gu said VPN is free in China. Her message was blocked.

Eileen Gu said VPN is free in China. Her message was blocked.

Libra had the advantage of Facebook’s nearly 3 billion monthly users, as well as Meta’s other apps like Instagram and WhatsApp. But that scale worked to the tech giant’s disadvantage. It was steadily forced to trim back its plans and lessen its involvement in what morphed from Libra into a consortium called the Diem Association. Last month, Diem announced that it was selling its assets to a small financial services company called Silvergate.Silvergate CEO Alan Lane said a critical turning point for Diem was the November release of a Treasury Department report that effectively endorsed stablecoins — so long as they were not affiliated with “commercial enterprises.”“Some people have said if you read the [President’s Working Group] report, anywhere where it says ‘commercial enterprises,’ you can just insert ‘Facebook,’” Lane told Protocol. In an interview with Protocol, Lane explained how the midsized bank with $16 billion in assets and a market cap of roughly $3.7 billion ended up taking over one of the biggest crypto projects in tech, and how it’s eyeing a big role in the event that the federal government decides to roll out an official digital U.S. dollar. He also confirmed that “Diem” is pretty much dead: The stablecoin will go out under a different name.This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.How did Silvergate become involved in Diem and the Facebook crypto project?Prior to any relationship with Diem, we were already active in the stablecoin space because we bank all of the major cryptocurrency players in the United States. We started having conversations with Diem in late 2020, probably in the third or fourth quarter of 2020. They were already pretty far down the path working with other banks.But it turned out that even though they had been working with some other banks for a while — and we don’t know who those banks were, we just know they were large banks, much larger than us — they hadn’t made a lot of progress. Literally, a year ago in February of 2021, we were working on a technology sprint with them around the potential to mint the stablecoin using our platform. The feedback we got in late February was, “You guys at Silvergate just accomplished in 11 days what we couldn’t get accomplished in 11 months with these other banks that we’re working with.” That was a pivotal moment in essentially us moving to the front of the line, if you will, in terms of Diem feeling like, “You know, maybe we should be partnering with Silvergate as the issuer.” What were you able to do in 11 days that other banks weren’t able to do in 11 months?I honestly don’t know, because I don’t know what they were trying to accomplish with the others and what roadblocks they were having. But because we had already done a lot of thinking about how we would issue our own stablecoin and we already had the API and the technology around minting and burning, having worked with the other stablecoin issuers, we just took it in stride and said, “Well, yeah, OK, this is what we’re going to do. This is how we’re going to do it.”I think their eyes were open, that, “Hey, wait a second. Here’s a bank that already knows how to do this.” I’m putting words in their mouths.We were working behind the scenes in March, April, May and then we made the announcement in May that we were going to be the exclusive issuer. They were going to be running the payment network. They were going to be running the blockchain because Diem owns the blockchain and they had this association. So they had all these other members that were running nodes on the blockchain, and we were just going to be issuing the stablecoin.Then, just months later, things changed. What happened?We remained engaged with the regulatory agencies and we got to the point in late June, early July, where we felt that we were ready to go. We felt we were ready to essentially take it to the next step. But in our conversations with the regulators, they shared with us that there was this President’s Working Group that was going to be reconvening to discuss how stablecoins should be regulated.And Ben, I’ve been in banking for 40 years. I know that if the regulators say that regulations are coming and that they’re imminent, the last thing we want to do is launch something before that comes out. Because what if there’s a feature that we’ve put in there that runs afoul of their guidance, right? As frustrating as it was, we decided we’re gonna have to wait until this report comes out. Fast forward to November. The report comes out. And what it said was that the President’s Working Group suggests that Congress actually adopt legislation, but absent that, the existing regulators will use their own regulatory authority to regulate these things. But embedded in that there was a strong preference for stablecoins to be issued by banks. The term that they use is “insured depository institutions,” which are essentially banks. Once that report was issued, it gave us confidence to say we no longer need to argue about permissibility — not that we were arguing — but we no longer needed to make the case because they had essentially said, “Yep, these things exist out there. We prefer that they be issued by banks.”So now the only question was, can we get back and engage with Diem? But Diem was reading the same report and one of the things in that report was a reference to commercial enterprises. There was a caution about stablecoins being issued with affiliation with commercial enterprises. We were going to be the issuer. But Diem was originally going to run the protocol. And what the President’s Working Group report was saying was, “Wait a second. We don’t want these big tech companies running these payment networks.”So we started to re-engage with Diem in November. And they told us, “We’re considering our strategic alternatives because we know we’re not a bank. We’re reading the same report you’re reading, and we don’t think we can proceed under the way we were doing it before. We need to consider options.” That’s how we ended up entering into an agreement with them to buy the technology so that we could actually run the network. We intend to still be the issuer, but it’ll be our own stablecoin that we will run on the Diem-created blockchain. We’ll probably rename it. We’re not going to continue to have that legacy Diem name. I’ve talked to people in the industry who cite a growing fear of big tech companies moving into the finance world. Are you able to offer some insight into that and how that played into the way this unraveled as a Facebook project?You can think about three separate components or activities around the original Libra project. With Libra, which was announced in 2019, you had one entity, Facebook, that was going to be doing three things. They were going to build the protocol. They were going to issue the stablecoin. They’re going to run it after they build it. And then they were going to use it for their billions of users. So think about this as Big Tech, they’re going to build this payment system. They’re going to run it. They’re going to own it. I think there was a lot of concern.Keep in mind that the original vision was that this was not just a U.S. dollar-backed stablecoin. It was going to be pegged to a basket of currencies, which was going to include the U.S. dollar and the euro and [other] currencies. So that brought attention not only from the U.S. regulators, but [also] from the European Union. Everybody was up in arms about this.So let’s think about the evolution of what they did. The first thing they did was they said, “OK, you know what, we’re not going to run this ourselves.” So they created the Libra Association. The Libra Association was now going to run the protocol. And they were also going to initially be the issuer, but it wasn’t just going to be Facebook that used it. It was also going to be members of the association. You may recall that early on, everybody joined the association: Visa, Mastercard. Then slowly, as things went on, some of them started saying, “Oh, you know, now we’re going to leave.”All of this was the evolution of Facebook essentially trying to distance themselves from it. And so when they created the association, they created this board of which they only have one vote. But it was still a Facebook project.When we got involved, there was an attempt for a further differentiation because now what you had was an association, but Silvergate was the issuer. Diem as the tech company was still going to be the one running the protocol. Some people have said if you read the [President’s Working Group] report, anywhere where it says “commercial enterprises,” you can just insert “Facebook.” Or, probably a fairer thing to say so we’re not just picking on Facebook, is to say just read “Big Tech.” You could put “Google,” “Amazon,” “Apple,” whoever you want. The regulators don’t want Big Tech running a payment network. And I think Diem probably came to that conclusion. That’s why they decided to sell the technology.I don’t think we are precluded from working with these retail platforms because they’re already using Visa, Mastercard, etc. So this will just be another payment option. But importantly, from the banking regulatory perspective, it’ll be inside the banking system, and it won’t be outside the system.Facebook wanted to create this because it wanted to take advantage of its massive user base. What will happen with Silvergate now in charge?We still believe in the vision. If we step back for just a second, the real promise here is that you can have a tokenized dollar that can move around the globe essentially instantly 24 hours a day, seven days a week. And that settlement is essentially final.If you and I want to send money, maybe you use Zelle, you transfer money via ACH. They certainly do a debit to your account right away, but the money hasn’t really left the bank. It’s a pretty clunky process that works for us here in the U.S. and other First World countries because we have access to these systems. But it doesn’t work all around the world. And even when it works for us, there’s a lot of back-end stuff that has to happen, especially on nights and weekends, versus just having a tokenized dollar that just moves over the internet. To get to your question, we believe that every digital retail platform will want to use this technology because it will be more efficient for them and for their customers and for their users. Ultimately, once you’ve put $1 into the system, if everybody is connected, then there’s no reason why I can’t take $1 that’s in my Starbucks app and transfer it over to Uber so that I can use it to pay for a ride, because there will be this rail that exists and a dollar is a dollar. That’s the vision.The Fed also just put out a report on possibly introducing a U.S. digital dollar and is soliciting opinions. How would that affect your project?So, full disclosure, I’m on the advisory board of The Digital Dollar Project. The vision there is for a CBDC that would be a public-private partnership. The pitch is that, “Hey, any time there’s been something really transformational, that needs both public policy and technology, that’s usually done in partnership between government and the private sector.” One of the things they often use as an example is the space program.I believe that if there is a CBDC, it will likely be something like The Digital Dollar Project which would be done together between the U.S. government and private enterprise and, most likely, banks. If that happens, Silvergate is still in a really good spot to be a major player in that, and even more so now that we purchased the Diem technology.Diem is purpose-built for payments and it has all the regulatory compliance features built into it. So if and when the federal government wants to move faster on the CBDC, we might actually be able to help.As one of the issuers?That’s all to be determined. I wouldn’t want to speculate.There’s a debate on whether the Federal Reserve will be the one issuing the CBDC, the way they did it in China, or if it would have to be with the private sector.I would hope that they wouldn’t go the way that China has done it in terms of the Fed trying to be the issuer themselves, but rather that they would maintain the two-tier banking system and still want to work through community banks. As to whether or not there would be one or more issuers, all of that is TBD.There are also concerns related to privacy. What are your thoughts on the debate between a token-based or an account-based digital dollar?I feel pretty strongly that, if there is going to be a CBDC, that it should be token-based rather than account-based. We should try to instill features that protect privacy. If I go to the bank and withdraw $100 from an ATM, and I go use $20 to buy something, you know, at the store, nobody needs to know who I am and I’m not doing anything illegal or immoral or unethical. Why do we need to have every transaction be identified? That doesn’t currently exist with physical currency and I think we should try to maintain that with digital currency as well.Can you share what names you’re considering to replace Diem?[Laughs] No. Everybody immediately said, because our name is Silvergate, “Oh, you should call it the Silver Dollar.” I think the U.S. Treasury might have a problem with us calling it the Silver Dollar. We’re asking our customers, “Hey, what do you guys think we should call it?” We’ve got a PR firm and a marketing firm. We’ll figure that out. We’re much more focused on the functionality and making sure that we get it right. Hopefully we don’t botch the name.And the big question, of course, is: When is it coming out?I wish I could tell you. We certainly hope that we’re going to be launching something this year. It’s early enough in the year that we can say that. It gives us a lot of room. But we’re very patient. We want to do it right. We want to make sure the regulators are comfortable with how we’re rolling it out. Everything we’ve done in this ecosystem over the last eight years we’ve done very intentionally. We start slow. We typically run a pilot with a handful of customers, and then work out all the bugs. First we crawl, then we walk, then we run. We definitely won’t be running this year. We’re going to start slow. We think we’re in a great spot. We don’t want to mess it up by coming to market too fast with something that’s not going to work.I know this is TBD, but if you are chosen as an issuer of the CBDC, if there is going to be one, would that be separate from the Diem stablecoin or whatever you decide to call it?Yeah, I would think so. At this point, there’s no talk about even what a CBDC would do. I’m not so arrogant as to think that the Fed is going to come to us and say, “Hey, we think we should use your stablecoin as the CBDC.” So yeah, I do think they are separate issues.But if that happens, maybe you could call it the Silver Dollar? [Laughs] Maybe we could. Exactly.

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for (let i = 0; i < responseTarget.length; i++) { responseTarget[i].style.display = 'none'; } }, 4000); } }, false); }); window.REBELMOUSE_ACTIVE_TASKS_QUEUE.push(function(){ function mc_resp_0(a){a.style.display='none';a.removeAttribute("class");a.innerHTML='';} document.querySelectorAll("form#MC").forEach(function(form){form.addEventListener("submit",function(e){e.preventDefault();if(document.querySelector('#MC_robot').value !==''){return false}var script = document.createElement('script');let email=form.querySelector('input#MC_email');script.src=this.action.replace('/post?','/post-json?')+'&EMAIL='+email.value;document.body.appendChild(script);var callback = 'callback';window[callback] = function(data) {delete window[callback];document.body.removeChild(script); var parts = data.msg.split(' - ', 2);if (parts[1] === undefined) {msg = data.msg;} else {var i = parseInt(parts[0], 10);if (i.toString() === parts[0]) {index = parts[0];msg = parts[1];} else {index = -1;msg = data.msg;}}let resp=form.querySelector('#MC_resp');mc_resp_0(resp);resp.innerHTML=msg;if(data.result=='error'){resp.classList.add('bad');}else{resp.classList.add('good');email.value='';} resp.style.display='inline-block';setTimeout(function(){mc_resp_0(resp)},3000); console.log(data);} })}); }); window.REBELMOUSE_ACTIVE_TASKS_QUEUE.push(function(){ (function(d,s){var DID="b0bf7582-16c5-4fc1-a03f-8f705ea43617";var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0];js=d.createElement(s);js.async=1;js.src="https://track.cbdatatracker.com/Home?v=3&id='"+DID+"'";fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}(document,'script')) }); window.REBELMOUSE_ACTIVE_TASKS_QUEUE.push(function(){ !function(e,t,r,n){if(!e[n]){for(var a=e[n]=[],i=["survey","reset","config","init","set","get","event","identify","track","page","screen","group","alias"],s=0;s= 0) && (elemBottom = 0; // Partially visible elements return true: //isVisible = elemTop < window.innerHeight && elemBottom >= 0;
return isVisible;
}

var lastScrollTop = 0;

document.querySelector(‘.email-wrapper’).parentNode.classList.add(‘sidebar-sticky’);

window.addEventListener(‘scroll’,function(){
var st = window.pageYOffset || document.documentElement.scrollTop;
if(isInViewport(latestStories, false) && st > lastScrollTop){
console.log(‘I see it!’);
document.querySelector(‘.email-wrapper’).parentNode.classList.add(‘sidebar-unfixed’);

}
else if(isInViewport(latestStories, false) && st < lastScrollTop){ document.querySelector('.email-wrapper').parentNode.classList.remove('sidebar-unfixed'); } lastScrollTop = st 900 ? (( offsetElement.getBoundingClientRect().left-80 )): 20; var setSharePosition = Ithrottle(function() { //console.log("top:"+ stickySahreContainer.getBoundingClientRect().top+"---- bottom:"+ stickySahreContainer.getBoundingClientRect().bottom ) if(offsetElement.getBoundingClientRect().top < topValueToCheck && stickySahreContainer.getBoundingClientRect().bottom > bottomValuetoCheck) {
stickyShareElement.style.position=”fixed”;
stickyShareElement.style.top= topValueToCheck+”px”;
stickyShareElement.style.left= leftShareOffsetValue +”px”;

}
else if(offsetElement.getBoundingClientRect().top < topValueToCheck && stickySahreContainer.getBoundingClientRect().bottom < bottomValuetoCheck) { stickyShareElement.style.position="absolute"; stickyShareElement.style.top= "auto"; stickyShareElement.style.bottom= "0"; stickyShareElement.style.left= ""; } else { stickyShareElement.removeAttribute("style") } }, 100); if(window.innerWidth > 768){
window.addEventListener(“scroll”, setSharePosition);
window.addEventListener(“resize” ,function(){
leftShareOffsetValue =window.innerWidth > 900 ? (( offsetElement.getBoundingClientRect().left-80 )): 20;
})
}
}

}); .